History in the Valley of Oaxaca, Monte Alban, Danzantes

History and human ecology in the Valley of Oaxaca

The exploration of the prehistory and human ecology in the Valley of Oaxaca commenced with the discovery of Cueva Blanca near Mitla in December of 1964, positioned less than two kilometers east of Guila Naquitz. Over the past three decades, both the Valley of Oaxaca Prehistory and Human Ecology Project and the Valley of Oaxaca Settlement Pattern Project have consistently emphasized the significance of understanding human interactions with their physical and social surroundings.

For aspiring prehistorians, it's crucial to note that archaeologists dedicate only about half their time to data recovery, material analysis, and presenting results to peers. The other half is consumed by rectifying colleagues' errors, correcting misquotations, and addressing factual inaccuracies in their findings. This reality contributes to the gradual pace of archaeological progress. Regrettably, recent literature on Oaxaca is rife with factual errors, necessitating correction, albeit lacking intellectual excitement. Adopting a historical perspective, we will provide a retrospective critique of Oaxaca archaeology.

Unsurprisingly, the lists of species hunted by Archaic hunters at Cueva Blanca and Naquitz are strikingly similar, with the former yielding a slightly larger faunal sample, surpassing 389 identifiable bones compared to the latter.

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Concerning the earliest inhabitants of Monte Albán, speculation suggested a possible origin from Monte Negro in the Tilantongo Valley of the Mixteca Alta, contemporaneously significant with Monte Albán. Simultaneously, the art of Monte Albán I was believed to exhibit "Olmec influence," notably in the Period 1, carved stones known as danzantes ("dancers") and nadadores ("swimmers").

Upon scrutinizing one prominent Danzante, indications emerge that the subject may be a depiction of disease

Prominent Danzante, genitals area

Originally documented by Dupaix in 1806 and subsequently dated to Monte Albán Ia by Caso based on associated ceramics, these stones were widely thought to depict nude dancers or swimmers, possibly in a large lake. Upon scrutinizing one prominent Danzante, indications emerge that the subject may be a depiction of disease rather than war trophies. The figure, a woman, exhibits deformities around the genital area, and within her womb is a peculiar image portraying a man with a hat and earring, likely symbolizing the death of someone important in her womb.

Epidemics, akin to plagues, have a tendency to emerge suddenly and vanish without a trace, leaving behind devastated populations, deserted towns, and abandoned villages. Examining the evidence discussed, the Olmec civilization's disappearance around 500 BC, San Jose Mogote's decline around the same time, and the establishment of Monte Albán in approximately 500 BC collectively suggest a catastrophic epidemic spreading through trade routes. This event likely led to the collapse of the Olmec civilization and prompted the Oaxaca Valley's population to evacuate the valley floor, seeking refuge on an isolated hilltop.

Mixtec, Maya, Olmec influences

While uncertainty lingered among scholars about whether Monte Alban I had Mixtec or Olmec influences, Monte Alban II was perceived as having "Maya influence." Period II introduced ceramic attributes such as waxy red and orange slips, rim flanges, and swollen mammiform supports, reminiscent of protoclassic pottery in Chiapas and Guatemala. Subsequently, Monte Alban IIIa showcased "Teotihuacan-influenced" Thin Orange vessels with ring bases, introducing another external influence to the Valley of Oaxaca.

The former Regional Museum in Oaxaca, which once stood on the north side of the Alameda during the 1950s and 1960s, featured a label stating that during Monte Alban IIIa, the Olmec tradition fused with Maya and Teotihuacan influences, giving rise to the Zapotec culture. The deliberate relocation of the administrative center from the secular valley floor brought clarity to previously enigmatic features of the site.

Consider, for instance, the monuments once referred to as danzantes, and how contemporary perspectives differ from those of the 1940s and 50s. Over 300 of these carvings, initially concentrated on a single wall on the east face of a building at Monte Alban, were dated by Caso to Monte Alban Ia based on associated pottery, making them among the earliest monumental works.

Sexually mutilated

Initially subject to fanciful explanations, Michael Coe, in 1962, recognized similarities between the danzantes and representations of prisoners on Maya carved monuments. Coe noted that the danzantes, all depicted as nude, dead, and in awkward positions, resembled depictions of prisoners being trampled by Maya rulers. Such representations diverged from the customary portrayal of important figures in Mesoamerican art, leading to the conclusion that the danzantes likely depicted slain or sacrificed captives.

The sexually mutilated danzantes were proposed by some as individuals encountering a mala mujer (Yatropha urens) and attempting to alleviate the resulting itch, a theory the text dismisses. Instead, the interpretation posits that the building wall represents a gallery of simplified, conventionalized, slain or sacrificed captives, aligning with similar galleries in later Maya art.

The forebears of the Zapotecs led lives initially indistinguishable from neighboring cultures, transitioning from nomadic to agrarian and finally settling in villages. In the early era, village leadership rested on the shoulders of the "Big Man," who, as the chief, orchestrated raids on other villages, forged alliances, and galvanized his people against adversaries. Upon the Big Man's demise, alliances and enmities dissipated, hinging entirely on the individual and the rivalries he fostered.

San Jose Mogote

While significant developments likely occurred during Period I, understanding the sociopolitical organization of that era remains a challenge. Even if evidence of a state in Monte Alban I existed, it is uncertain whether a village of 5 to 8 hectares, like Tomaltepec, would have been significant enough to host members of an elite "of valley wide significance." In Monte Alban II, when the capital covered 416 hectares with an estimated 9,650-19,300 inhabitants, San Jose Mogote was a 70 hectare secondary center, indicating a hierarchical structure. Tomaltepec, at that time, was a smaller site with fewer features, emphasizing the need to correct recent errors in the literature on Monte Alban I and II.

Around 1200 BC, a transformative shift occurred as leadership ceased to be solely dictated by physical strength. Heredity gained prominence, marking the emergence of distinct classes within villages and prompting alterations in religious beliefs and worldviews.

For the early Zapotecs, two paramount entities held sway in their belief system: Sky and Earth, both deemed supernatural. Earth, generally benevolent, responded adversely to mistreatment, manifesting its displeasure through quakes when angered. Sky, detached from human concerns, housed celestial spirits, including Zapotec ancestors. Despite this detachment, Sky expressed displeasure through lightning when angered by human actions.

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Zapotecs portraying humans as descendants of Earth and Sky :)

Assimilated into the Aztec Empire

Around 1150 BC, these entities found representation in pottery, signaling an elevated role in people's lives. Simultaneously, depictions emerged portraying humans as descendants of Earth and Sky, mirroring European notions of royal lineage. This subtle shift ingrained the belief that leaders owed their positions to ancestry, fostering the inception of hierarchies. Male lineage, showcased on pottery and relics, became a focal point, with those believed to be connected to Earth and Sky buried alongside artifacts affirming their status. Notably, this lineage exclusively traced through males, as women were not depicted as descendants of the supernatural entities during this period.

The Zapotecs engaged in a prolonged conflict with the Aztecs for nearly a year before the Conquistadors entered the scene. Regrettably, the Zapotecs did not emerge victorious, a departure from their historical dominance or diplomatic resolutions in power struggles with neighboring cultures. The struggle against the Aztecs seemingly inflicted a more severe toll on the aging Zapotec civilization. The exact circumstances of the Aztec triumph remain uncertain, given the Zapotecs' long-standing regional influence.
At the zenith of their civilization, the Aztecs held sway over their territory, and in the absence of the Conquistadors, there exists a possibility that the Zapotecs would have been assimilated into the Aztec Empire. Notably, innovation and new ideas had dwindled among the Zapotecs, and their societal structure had undergone minimal changes over several centuries. The Aztecs, known for their martial prowess, likely would have absorbed the Zapotecs entirely into their society.

Preceding the arrival of the Conquistadors, a war concluded with relatively minimal losses for the Zapotecs. Although longer and bloodier than their accustomed conflicts, negotiations with the Aztecs resulted in favorable terms. The Zapotec king accepting an Aztec bride, annual tributes to the Aztecs, and the presence of small Aztec garrisons within Zapotec territory indicated a shifting power dynamic favoring the Aztecs. This marked the ongoing progression of Aztec influence over the Zapotecs.